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Negotiating the civic-heart of Fremantle: past, present and critical perspectives of Kings Square
Shaphan Cox
Cox, Shaphan 2014, 'Negotiating the civic-heart of Fremantle: past, present and critical perspectives of Kings Square', Fremantle Studies, 8: 47-61.
Introduction
In this paper I will seek to explore and extend the concept of place in relation to Kings Square, Fremantle. Popular representations have tended to position the ‘civic-heart' 1 of Fremantle as a space in need of resuscitation, but suggestions which position the square as in need of an injection of life begs the question - for whom? This is the question which has driven my PhD research on Fremantle, and a rider, I would argue, to be added to any planning revitalisation scheme or urban design strategy. The purpose of my research is principally to search for deeper understandings of how we understand, interact and engage with place. My argument is that place-making and creative city strategies (which Kings Square has experienced and continues to be the focus of) are not neutral and while the identity of places are often represented in planning policies as fixed (such as Kings Square - Civic Heart), they are always multiple, negotiated and contradictory. To add to this, I would like to explore another challenging argument presented in Jane Jacobs’ seminal work, Death and life of great American cities, where she contended:
... the belief that uses of low status drive out uses of high status. This is not how cities behave, and the belief that it is renders futile much energy aimed at attacking symptoms and ignoring causes. People or uses with more money at their command, or greater respectability can fairly easily supplant those less prosperous or of less status, and commonly do so in city neighbourhoods that achieve popularity. 2
Kings Square has reportedly been in crisis both socially and economically particularly since the early 2000s. In 2010 the front page of the Fremantle Gazette reported Mayor Brad Pettitt describing Kings Square as one of the most dysfunctional spaces in Fremantle. 3 Over the decade, if not for longer, this ‘dysfunctional’ tag has been applied in relation to the square’s peripheral and problematic social and economic situation. In this paper I will present three things - a rumination on my observations of Kings Square, a brief review on some reporting of the crisis, and a short reading of the iconography and the urban design of the square - to argue that an underlying process of exclusion and othering of Aboriginal people is, perhaps unintentionally, occurring in the square.
Rumination
The following narrative (published in Cox 2010) 4 is my re-telling of an event that I viewed from behind the glass panels of the local history collection of Fremantle City Library. It is included with the aim of opening up the debate on the complexities involved in the attempts to define the meaning of and achieve control over the future use of Kings Square. More specifically, this rumination addresses the claim above that the design and ordering of space is not neutral.
I arrived at the library early in the morning and already there were a group of people sitting outside the window. It is difficult to find any routine to when the space outside the library will be busy or quiet, such is the unpredictability and, to me, this is an enjoyable element of working in this section of the library. Over time, a number of the people outside the window had become familiar to me, emphasising the importance that repetition plays in the construction of place. In the Fremantle Herald, these people were the ones being referred to as the ‘parkies’, ‘itinerants’, ‘solvent abusers’ and even the ‘homeless’. On this particular day a thick black texta pen was passed amongst the group. First, a name went up on the pillar outside the window, and then another, as the texta was passed on. Then a picture of a snake was drawn resembling a serpent from Aboriginal dreaming. After that an Aboriginal flag appeared followed by an Australian flag. Over the course of the next hour the side of the pillar, facing the window I was looking out of, became covered with names, drawings and scribbles, each in their own way encoding the space with meaning. It was not uncommon for activities within this space to attract the attention of passersby and, as I continued to shuflle through newspapers, I expected the police or a council worker to show up. After all, ‘that black texta wasn’t going to come off easily’. The graffiti-art was such an obvious intrusion on the ‘whiteness’ of the pillar that I was sure someone would ‘dob in’ the artists. However, the day passed without any notable intervention from authorities and my attention to the pillar soon began to fade into the background of the day.
The following morning, when I arrived at the library, I was stunned to find a perfectly white pillar instead of the patchwork of art. All the work from the day before had been erased. I thought the markings would have at least lasted a few days or even weeks. It set my mind racing, “who cleans the square and at what time of the day?” “Why the urgency?” “Would it be treated with the same efficiency in other spaces in Fremantle?” On deeper reflection, this ‘white-washing’ of the pillar reconfirmed the very real presence and nature of power in and over the square and that, every day, different claims, stories, movements and rhythms are being inscribed in space, but some do not have the privilege of remaining as long as others.
Kings Square in crisis?
In 2003 the Kings Square story reached a flashpoint when an anonymous letter signed Fed Up 5 was published in the Fremantle Herald, complaining that the behaviour of Aboriginal people was the biggest problem in Kings Square. The sensational letter set in train a particularly turbulent period for Kings Square, which prompted successive mayors to ‘fix’ the ‘problem'. 6 The extent to which the issues in Kings Square have been made synonymous with Aboriginality was made explicit in Fed Up’s letter:
When is something going to be done about the terrible behaviour of the Aborigines in Fremantle. I have just returned from Fremantle and witnessed a very upsetting bashing ... Recently I observed a group fighting and bashing one woman (not young I might say) to the ground, kicking and punching her and then the group putting the boots in. Nobody does anything. The average person will not step in, for fear of being attacked themselves, the police drive past and just sit in their cars. Fremantle is a wonderful place for everybody and I wonder what the tourists in our fine port city must think when they witness this shocking behaviour. You walk between St John’s Square and the town hall in fear of being abused or attacked. You park your car outside St John’s in fear of something being smashed through the window. These people obviously do not have a home to go to as they just wander through Fremantle ... I have had it, I am sick and tired of not being able to enjoy our city as it belongs to all, not just them. When are the police or the council going to do something?
The editor’s notes accompanying the letter are also informative.
This letter was submitted anonymously and for that reason would not normally be considered for publication. I’ve made an exception so this disturbing issue can, hopefully, be debated openly in this forum instead of being whispered about the place (as increasingly has been) by people fearful of being branded racist. 8
The newspaper breaking with its own professional practice can be read as an attempt to make a statement that the opinions expressed in this letter were not in the minority. Fed Up's claim appears to be that not only are Aboriginal people causing the general public to avoid the area, but they are also afforded special treatment from police, council and pedestrians, allowing them to dominate the space. A significant issue with this letter is that it works to naturalise Aboriginal people with threatening behaviour and in this case, connects it with St Johns Square (Kings Square).
The naturalisation of Aboriginal groups in Fremantle as being synonymous with threatening behaviour, and whereby Kings Square is implicated as a ‘no-go zone’ and ‘trouble spot’, is not new. Retail traders around Kings Square have previously voiced their concerns about ‘loiterers’, ‘parkies’ and ‘street-drinkers’ causing problems for businesses. A front-page article 'Spotlight on street drinking' 9 articulated these claims. In the article, a number of Fremantle retailers argued that they wanted a solution and ‘quickly’ to the problem of anti-social behaviour in Kings Square. The connection with Aboriginal people is implied from the outset with the lead paragraph heralding a proposal to introduce a Nyoongar Patrol as a means of responding to the complaints. 10 In relation to this report it can be argued that the letter from Fed Up was not making a new statement, but rather building on historical discourses which position Aboriginal people as ‘outsiders’ in the city.
If the question - for whom - is added as a rider to Fed Up’s letter, a sense of ‘who belongs’ and ‘who doesn’t’ can begin to be established. Fed Up sets up an interesting dialectic arguing that Kings Square ‘belongs to all, not just them’. The implied suggestion is that if you want to belong, there is a certain way to act. From this point ofview there are other groups who appear to have an inclusive status in the city by nature of their identity. Quoting Fed Up again: ‘I wonder what the tourists in our fine port city must think when they witness this shocking behaviour. 11 Perhaps the key to belonging in the city is the power to consume. Another way of approaching this letter might be to ask - who is the victim in this story? On the surface of it, Fed Up, the average person and the city’s image, appear to be victimised while the ‘Aborigines in Fremantle’ are rendered the problem. Interestingly the situation and concern for the victim of the bashing, a woman who is not racially profiled, is not explored by the letter writer. If a reader is to assume the woman is Aboriginal, this is to reproduce the subtle othering and exclusion of Aboriginal supported in the letter: ‘Nobody does anything ... the police drive past and just sit in their cars'. 12. It could be argued thus that the proposed victims in the letter are the ‘average person’, ‘everybody’ (except them) and any tourists who may witness such happenings. Slavoj Zizek, when theorising on the concept of universal love, deals with a similar dialectic. 13 Zizek concludes that universal claims such as ‘I love you all’ must ultimately rely on ‘but not you’. A conclusion on the universal statement proposed by Fed Up ‘Kings Square belongs to all’, must therefore necessarily rely on ‘just not for you’.
Constructing Aboriginal People in Kings Square as ‘outsiders’
A powerful way in which dominant groups work to exclude others is to construct the individuals, groups and associated ‘problem’ as originating out-of-place. In 2002, a lunchtime brawl on Fremantle’s Cappuccino Strip (just around the corner from Kings Square) drew headlines in the local media. The Fremantle Herald reported: ‘witnesses told the Herald a group of Aboriginal men who had spent the afternoon hanging around Kings Square, and who appeared to be intoxicated, were responsible for the violence. 14 The initial controversy centred on the sluggish response of the police, which in turn drew an aggressive criticism from the South Metropolitan District Superintendent, Ray Pottinger who blamed the soup kitchen, run by St Patrick’s Care Centre close to Kings Square, as the ‘main reason’ for the crime problem in Fremantle. In an attempt to prevent the ‘problem’ of people converging on Fremantle, the soup kitchen was shut down. In a follow-up report, the reasons for this ‘social problem’ in Kings Square were consolidated as being an ‘outside’ issue. It was argued that ‘Freo’s problems were shared with centres such as Midland, Armadale and Perth - major stops along metro railway lines’. 15
‘Breaking the Kings Square cycle’. (The photograph includes Robbie Riley, Barbara Powell, and Ken Posney.)
The article 'Breaking the Kings Square cycle' 16 begins with a familiar media narrative used by the Fremantle Herald to provoke conflict over the use of Kings Square.
Most Monday nights when Fremantle councillors meet at the town hall to deliberate over the future of the city, proceedings are interrupted, sometimes drowned out, by screams of abuse and fights breaking out below in Kings Square.
The individuals and groups implicated in creating disturbances in Kings Square are identified in the article as predominately Aboriginal.
The group, in the main Aboriginal, are often drunk, drugged and abusive towards each other and passers-by. They are a minority but they are highly visible, Mr Posney (Fremantle Council Community Service Chief) says.
The connection between disruption and Aboriginal people is also visualized in the accompanying photograph. The photograph can be read in numerous ways, I will return to it shortly. The two council community service managers quoted in the report are Ken Posney and Barbara Powell. Powell argues in the article that the problem has to do with shrinking public housing in the suburbs surrounding Fremantle and a lack of facilities with only one sobering up centre in the metro area, a long way away from Fremantle.The article continues to paint the scene arguing:
Whatever the cause, the end result is groups of up to 20 drunk and abusive individuals roving the inner city streets. But while the aggression and begging is having an impact, with nowhere for people to go, just moving them out is not on, says Mr Posney. 17
According to Powell the problem had dragged on for 15 years but was growing more recently with Mr Posney arguing that nobody, including the state government, wanted to ‘own the problem’. While moving them out was not on according to Mr Posney it reinforced that the ‘problem’ group hold a certain power in the square. Quotes such as: ‘We can’t move them out’/‘That will never happen’, may also connect with Fed Up’s logic that somehow there is an afforded privilege. The ‘problem’ groups are not reported to be Fremantle locals, the problem is constructed as originating ‘outside’ of Fremantle where the culprits are ‘people jumping on trains for a free feed and a day camped out on the city’s streets'. 18 Mr Posney’s three point plan to introduce a ‘sobering up centre, outreach social workers to build relationships with street people and Noongar patrols to liaise with police and businesses' 19 appears to be treating the problem in place. However the description that the article gives as to who the council will be targeting is a little more problematic.
Council efforts will target three groups - itinerants (people living rough), people who hang out on the streets to socialize, and country people visiting the city for medical treatment or a funeral but who have nowhere to stay. 20
The biggest issue is that the ‘problem’, including anti-social and threatening behaviour, accosting, intimidation, has been naturalised with Aboriginal people. Robbie Riley, who is photographed in the picture but not identified as Aboriginal, however provides the visualisation of the problem. The reason why letters such as Fed Up’s should be branded racist, and the problem with naturalising Aboriginal people with anti-social behavior is that social boundaries of fear are constructed and that Aboriginal people congregating in the city for the day must continue to deal with pressures they have faced since colonisation, pressures of exclusion and not belonging albeit in a public place.The heartbreak of the photograph is that although it momentarily disrupts these established understandings of people in place, with the three people sharing a joke, the connection between Aboriginal people and the problem of Kings Square is maintained. A suggestion for an alternative article, taken from the photograph, could be that Aboriginal people in Kings Square are friendly. Nevertheless, Mr Riley is reported as being from Hamilton Hill and consequently, not from Frernantle.
There have been moments however where the exclusion of Aboriginal people has been challenged in the Fremantle press. In July 2000 a local resident, MM Davis wrote to the paper over two incidents that she had witnessed in Kings Square:
I saw two adult Aboriginal men sitting on a bench; two policemen were standing over them, one of whom appeared to be checking some kind of identification papers. The police then moved on to another bench, where another Aboriginal man was sleeping and roused him. I did not wait to see what happened next but when I came out of the toilet all three men had disappeared and the police were getting into a police car, in which they drove away. 21
The letter addresses an issue also raised by Fed Up (2003) but from an opposing perspective.The suggestion that people are treated differently because of their appearance is shown in this letter as being insulting. Davis continued:
If I were asked, even if politely, to show proof of identification in a public place or if I felt sleepy and dropped off into a snooze on a bench provided for my comfort, only to be disturbed for no apparent reason - would I not be surprised and even indignant? I should mention that I am of European appearance and advanced year.
Re-reading Fremantle’s Streetscape and Iconography of Kings Square
If social problems in Kings Square have been naturalised with Aboriginal people, then a reading of the symbols and urban design of Kings Square helps to consolidate the argument regarding exclusion. In a provocative re-reading of Fremantle’s High Street, Kerr 22 draws a comparison between downtown Fremantle and the Sukuh Temple in Central Java. Kerr infers that the restoration and design of the High Street of Fremantle has a meaning written into it, which extends beyond the preservation efforts to restore it. Kerr’s article sets up a critical framework for interrogating High Street as part of a powerful discourse of ‘nation- building’ and connection to empire that is often referred to in historical reflections on the juxtaposition between the Round House and the original St Johns Church, Kings Square, 23 but rarely implied to inform the present. With reference to Sukuh Temple in Central Java, Kerr contends that the Round House and Whaler’s Tunnel, Kings Square and Monument Hill function in a similar way to the three levels of the temple (ie the porch, house and Holy of Holies). In Kings Square, Kerr points to a more recent sacred soliciting whereby the area where a car park was situated in the 1970s today contains a spiral walk of fame with paving stones recording the names of Fremantle’s sporting identities ‘fanning out into the Australia nation-building project' 24 to emphasise a reproduction of sacred meanings in the design and symbolism of the landscape. The nation-building project Kerr is referring to includes; a mosaic in High Street Mall, the ‘undated, untitled and apparently un-authored’ mosaic depicting a mythological narrative connecting Fremantle with empire.
A connection between ‘nation-building’ and the othering of Aboriginal people in Kings Square
In the 1980s the pedestrianisation of High Street Mall and Kings Square marked a radical turning point in the area’s role and redirected the flow of traffic in Fremantle, but it also opened up a significant amount of space where the High Street had formerly crossed the centre of the square on a diagonal axis.'This space provided further opportunities for the restoration, preservation and commemoration of the past in Kings Square. A contemporary debate surrounds the re-opening of High Street to traffic which also informs an inquiry into Kings Square’s as space in need of revitalisation, however, the emphasis of this paper is on an inquiry into a process of exclusion.
Tom Edwards water fountain. 2010 (S Cox) ... Pietro Porcelli sculpture (life-size). 2010 (S Cox)
Hughie Edwards Statue (Larger-than-life) 2010 (S Cox) ... John Curtin raised above the masses. 2012 (S Cox)
An interesting trend has occurred in the dedication of monuments in Kings Square since the pedestrianisation of High Street. Since the retrieval from storage in 1982 of a drinking fountain dedicated in honour of Tom Edwards, a ‘working-class’ martyr who was fatally wounded by police in an industrial dispute on Victoria Quay in 1919, each monument unveiled in Kings Square has grown in actual (concrete) size and arguably symbolic stakes. The hierarchy and positioning of monuments and statues in cities is the subject of much academic inquiry. Jones 25 describes the Tom Edwards fountain’s journey, from a side street outside the Trades Hall on the Esplanade Reserve, to storage in 1968 before its restoration and current relocation to a ‘peripheral position on Kings Square facing a row of parking bays’. The inference that Jones draws, in relation to the peripheral positioning of Tom Edwards and more broadly, of other monuments dedicated to industrial disputes and the ‘working class’ in Australia, is that, in the aftermath of the 1919 riots ‘the port and state authorities feared that a memorial on the actual site of the incident would be a threat to public order. 26
In 1993 another perhaps ‘non-mainstream’ dedication was made in Kings Square to the Italian sculptor ‘Pietro Porcelli’ by local sculptor Greg James. The Southern European influence in Fremantle is a significant ingredient in representations of Fremantle’s popular ‘cosmopolitan’ identity. Porcelli is noted for his sculpture of CY O’Connor, the state's engineer-in- chief who famously designed and oversaw the construction of Fremantle port and the eastern goldfields Perth to Kalgoorlie pipeline. The statue of Porcelli himself is positioned in the North Eastern corner of Kings Square, a presumably life-size representation decorated in a quaint garden setting. The monument was commissioned by the Italian community of Fremantle and unveiled by mayor of Fremantle at the time John Cattalini, who was also a member of Fremantle’s Italian community. 27
In 2002, a larger than life statue of WWII air force pilot and former governor of Western Australia, Sir Hughie Edwards, was unveiled in Kings Square. WA artist Andrew Kay, who sculpted the bronze statue, described his creative decision making in an article in the Fremantle Herald saying:
From reading his life story and when he won his medals, I wanted to portray him at that time. He was a young ordinary Australian doing his duty and was fortunate enough to survive. 28
The statue stands at the Eastern End of Kings Square facing back along High Street towards the Round House, guarding the Square. WA governor General John Sanderson, who unveiled the statue, was also quoted in the article.
Heroes are essential to our idea of community ... We worship them in times of stress and forget about them in security, replacing them with virtual heroes of little substance. 29
Most recently, in 2005, the largest and most imposing statue was unveiled in Kings Square. It stands beside the Town Hall and is dedicated to wartime Prime Minister of Australia and member for the seat of Fremantle, John Curtin. The design and position of the statue initially drew criticism from the Fremantle community predominantly to do with its imposing expression and the raised platform on which it stood with some locals arguing that it did not depict the unassuming personality of the man himself. 30 However, it is now naturalised into the growing iconographic landscape of Kings Square. The image of John Curtin captured in the statue shows him leaning over and appearing to address a crowd of people, with a rolled up copy of the Westralian Worker - of which he was editor at the time of the 1919 industrial dispute - in his hand. 31 The statue underlines Nevill’s 32 claim that Kings Square was a space where orators would address the public, particularly in the war years.
While each monument has its own historical trajectory and story, there is a clear hierarchy which supports the claim by Bulbeck 33 that it is the ‘monarchs, rulers and explorers that look down on the passing crowds’. This holds for the dominance of John Curtin’s statue but in the Australian context, as Jones 34 points out, the most impressive monuments are often reserved for ‘the large numbers of predominantly ordinary people who died in AustraJia’s wars’ perhaps informing the size and scale of Sir Hughie Edwards (albeit an extraordinary serviceman). As Kerr 35 explains, further eastward along High Street, raised topographically on Monument Hill, is a war memorial. Pietro Porcelli and Tom Edwards, while representing a strong part of Fremantle’s identity as a ‘cosmopolitan city’ and a working port, are memorialised at a smaller scale and occupy more peripheral and ‘self-contained’ spaces within the square. On critical reflection, representations in place are as much about what statues and monuments are present as what and who are absent. As Stuart Hall 36 explains, heritage and its meaning ‘is constructed within, not above or outside representations ... those who cannot see themselves reflected in its mirror cannot properly ‘belong'. The lack of any monument dedicated to women or to Nyoongar people in Fremantle and Kings Square (though several of both are named on the sporting heroes stones), supports the construction of Aboriginal people as out of place.
At the same time as Kings Square ‘heritage’ iconography has been increasing, the square has become an important space for Aboriginal people meeting in Fremantle and other members of the public. Century old Moreton Bay fig trees provide shade and shelter from Perth’s extreme heat in summer and thunderstorms in the winter and the community playground outside the library is a popular spot for families with children and also for its provision of shelter and facilities. As it stands Kings Square caters for people wanting to spend time in place. My question is therefore, is the constructed problem in Kings Square, of Aboriginal people associated with anti-social behaviour, part of a longer history of colonial exclusion and othering?
Conclusion
The earlier rumination in this chapter highlighted a ‘hidden hand’ of power, which helps to maintain and conserve the representation of what is a predominantly white-male European dominated square. Who is ‘in place’ and therefore ‘who is out of place’ has consequences. Place-making events and urban design strategies for the square should therefore consider whether a process of exclusion for Aboriginal people is being reproduced. Returning to the claim made by Jacobs in the introduction of this paper, that contrary to popular opinion, it is high status uses that drive out low status uses (I don’t argue that Aboriginal people are synonymous with low status uses, this is a naturalisation I am challenging), the letter by Fed Up would appear to be appropriating the popular understanding in Jacob’s quote (if the connection between Aboriginal people and anti-social behaviour is considered low status). What I have sought to uncover are the subtle more nuanced although at times explicit ways that Jacob’s reversal makes sense. The indifference suffered by Aboriginal people in Kings Square is perhaps captured best in Craig Silvey’s 37 novel Rhubarb, an historical-fiction piece set in Fremantle where the main character is a young blind woman. Silvey writes:
In Kings Square, she’ll walk briskly by without seeing a sprawled group of Aborigines under a thick Moreton Bay canopy. They sit and slump on a lifesize chessboard, made from Black and White pavement squares. Used commercially for lifesize people to play lifesize games of chess. They don't care for any square. They seem unaware of the board; the game and its rules. The White Queen is absent. The Black King lies curled. Beneath those squares is Dirt, or Nyungar land, and they sit with that board between it: lolling, yelling, sleeping. Waiting to be moved, again. Clutching paper bags in the shape of bottles. Sniped at by Moreton Bay firebombs. Wedged between a Church and a Town Hall.
A reading of this extract from Silvey’s work could be that the chessboard represents European culture and law, which conceals any historical claim to place for Aboriginal people, whose land has been covered over by concrete and divided up for commercial gain. The White Queen, who is absent, represents the ‘lifesize’ people, perhaps signifying the temporary abandonment of this space by the ‘average person’ as described by Fed Up. However, the pressures of exclusion and alienation for Aboriginal people are made explicit by reference to the ‘move on’ notices. There are also subtle ways the othering process is identified. Even the Moreton Bay fig tree joins the battle to move the ‘Black King’ out. In the context of this study on Kings Square, it is clear that real power to define the ‘true’ representation and definition of this space lies in what is represented in Silvey’s final images of the Church and the Town Hall (and the statues). The European nation-building project inherent in restoration and revitalisation attempts of Kings Square is demonstrative of the battle that Aboriginal people face in Fremantle and Australia more broadly - resilience in the face of exclusion.
Fremantle Studies Day, 2012
Notes
1 J D'Anger, ‘The end nigh for council HQ', Fremantle Herald 27 March 2004, p 1.
2 J Jacobs, The death and life of great American cities, Vintage Books, New York, 1992, pp 97-8.
3 A Wilson-Chapman, Mission to find pulse, Fremantle Gazette, 9 November 2010, p 1.
4 S Cox, ‘Voicing the Unseen in Fremantle’s Kings Square: Re-instating Fremantle’s ‘civic-heart’ and the exclusion of Aboriginal groups’, Voicing the Unseen: Just write it! Eleventh Humanities Graduate Research Conference, held in Curtin University, 2010.
5 FedUp, Do Something (letter), Fremantle Herald, 1st March 2003, p 5.
6 A Kwintowski, ‘Breaking the Kings Square cycle’, Fremantle Herald, 22 March 2003, p 9; A Wilson-Chapman, Mission to find pulse, Fremantle Gazette, 9 November 2010, p 1.
7 FedUp, op cit
8 Editor’s note, Fremantle Herald, 1st March 2003, p 5.
9 A Kwintowski, ‘Spotlight on street drinking’, Fremantle Herald, 22nd December 2001, p 1.
10 Nyoongar Patrols are a culturally sensitive Aboriginal community security/police service which has been employed in the night time entertainment district of Northbridge, located directly to the north of Perth CBD.
11 FedUp, op cit.
12 FedUp, op cit.
13 S Zizek, Living in the end times, Verso, London and New York, 2010, p 100.
14 Anon, Free food for poor is part of the problem say police. Fremantle Herald, 19 October 2002, p 1.
15 A Kwintowski, ‘Breaking the Kings Square cycle’, Fremantle Herald, 22 March 2003, p 9.
16 Ibid.
17 Ibid.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 MM Davis, ‘Something Uncomfortable’, (letter) Fremantle Herald, 29 July 2000, p 5.
22 T Kerr, ‘Reproducing temples in Fremantle’, International journal of Heritage Studies, 2011, p 1-17.
23 B Reece & R Pascoe, A Place of Consequence, A Pictorial History of Fremantle, Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle, 1983; D Hutchison, Fremantle Walks, Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle, 2006.
24 T Kerr, ‘Reproducing temples in Fremantle’, International journal of Heritage Studies, 2011, p 7.
25 R Jones, ‘Time-specific Martyr of Enduring Symbol?’ Tom Edwards and Western Australian labour Heritage 1919-2010, in J M Robertson (ed.), Heritage from Below, Ashgate Publishing, 2012, p 205
26 Ibid. p 205
27 http://monumentaustralia.org.au/display/60505-pietro-giacomo-porcelli
28 J Angus, ‘Sir Hughie returns’, Fremantle Herald 30 November 2002, p 11.
29 Ibid.
30 J D’Anger, ‘No support for Curtin statue’, Fremantle Herald, 8 April 2006, p 3; R Loopers, Where is that great man? Fremantle Herald, 27 August 2005, p 4; B Mitchell, &W Hately, ‘Premier to close Curtin statue row’, Fremantle Herald 22 January 2005, p 1.
31 R Jones, ‘Time-specific Martyr of Enduring Symbol?’ Tom Edwards and Western Australian labour Heritage 1919-2010, in J M Robertson (ed.), Heritage from Below, Ashgate Publishing, 2012, pp 204-205
32 SJ Nevill, Perth and Fremantle Past and Present, Simon Nevill Publications, 2007, Fremantle WA.
33 C Bulbeck, ‘Australian History Set in Concrete?’ The Influence of the New Histories on Australian Memorial Construction, Journal of Australian Studies, v15 n28, 1991,p 16.
34 R Jones, ‘Time-specific Martyr of Enduring Symbol?’ Tom Edwards and Western Australian labour Heritage 1919-2010, in I J M Robertson (ed.), Heritage from Below, Ashgate Publishing, 2012, p 206
35 T Kerr, ‘Reproducing temples in Fremantle’, International journal of Heritage Studies, 2011, p 1-17.
36 E Waterton, ‘Branding the Past: The Visual Imagery of England’s Heritage’, 2010, in Waterton & S Watson (eds), Culture, Heritage and Representation: Perspectives on Visuality and the Past, Ashgate Publishing, Surrey and Burlington, p 155.
37 C Silvey, Rhubarb, Fremantle Arts Centre Press, Fremantle, 2004, p 56.
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