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===== A Cartography of Resistance:
The British State and Derry Republicanism =====

Bibliography

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Spivak, G C (1981), 'Reading the World: Literary Studies in the 1980s', College English, 43, no 7, (671-79), November
Stafford, L (1982) 'Derry's Road Accident', New Statesman, 29th January
Staniforth, G H Major General CB OBE (1977), 'Discontent in Britain', Army Quarterly and Defence Journal, vol 107, no 3, July
Stetler, R (1970), The Battle and the Bogside (London: Sheed and Ward)
Summer, C (1979) Reading Ideologies (London: Academic Press)
Sunday Times Insight Team (1972), Ulster (London: Penguin)
Taylor, P (1980/81), 'Britain's Irish Problem', The Crane Bag: The Northern Issue, vol 4, no 2
Thompson, J B (1984), 'Ideology and the Critique of Domination
II', Canadian Journal of Social and Political Theory, vol 8, nos 1 and 2
Thompson, Sir R (1972), Defeating Communist Insurgency (London: Chatto and Windus)
Tonnies, F (1955), Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft (trans) Charles P Loomis, first published 1887 (London: RKP)
Threadgold, T (1986), Semiotics Language and Ideology (Sydney, Australia)
Trew, T (1979), 'Theory and Ideology at Work' in Language and Control, Fowler et al (eds) (London: RKP)
Troops Out (1984), 'Architecture of Control', vol 8, no 2, November
Troops Out Movement, No British Solution (London: TOM), undated
Ulster Special Constabulary (1980), Why? (Belfast, Northern Ireland: USC Assoc), 30th April
Webster, S (1982), 'Dialogue and Fiction in Ethnography', Dialectical Anthropology, vol 7
Webster, S (1983), 'Ethnography as Story Telling', Dialectical Anthropology, vol 8, no 3, December
Weiner, R (1975), The Rape of the Shankill (Belfast: Notaems Press)
Widgery Report (1972), Report of the Tribunal to inquire into the events on Sunday 30th January 1972, which led to the loss of life in connection with the Procession in Londonderry on that day. HC 100/HC 220 (London: HMSO), 19th April
Wilkinson, P (1974), Political Terrorism (London: Macmillan)
Williams, Glyn (981), Ethnicity Nationalism and Discourse, paper presented 'Minorities, reverdication d'identite ethnique, mouvements nationalistes', 1st Annual Conference Assoc Francaise d'Anthropologie, Paris, 19-21st November
Williams, Glyn (1984), 'What is Wales?: the Discourse of Devolution', Ethnic and Racial Studies, vol 7, no 1, January
Williams, Glyn, The State and the Ethnic Community—the Welsh in Patagonia (University of Wales Press) (in press)
Williams, Raymond (1977), Marxism and Literature (Oxford: Oxford University Press)
Wills, C (1987), 'Review—'Mothers and Holy Fathers", New Society, vol 87, no 1287, 17 July (Dulblin: Gill and Macmillan)
Wilson, S (1982) The Carson Trial (Belfast: Crown Publications)
Woods, R (1977), 'Discourse Analysis: the Work of Michel Pecheux, Ideology and Consciousness, no 1, (57-78)

INTERVIEWS

Liam, interview with author, January 1985
Mary, interview with author, January 1981 and January 1985
Mitchell, interview with author, January 1985
Morrison, Danny, interview with R M Bosinelli and D Maguire, kindly made available to the author by Professor Bosinelli, undated
Neil, interview with author, November 1979
Paddy, interview with author, October 1979
Pat, interview with author, January 1985
Una, interview with author, November 1978

TV

Ruby in the Rain—Play for Today, BBC1, 24th November 1987

FILMS

Cal Maeve Writing on the Wall Ann Devlin

APPENDIX 1

A paper bag from Derry.
A song from Derry
People of no property, LP BRITS OUT, Res1004)
A Christmas card from Derry
Two postcards from Derry

A poem from Derry

SONG OF THE PLASTIC BULLET

I am a Plastic Bullet
and through the air I fly,
don't try to catch me in your mouth
or stop me with your eye.
I love the little children
their skulls are paper thin,
but even adults' heads are fun
to bash and batter in.
I love the Irish people
for wishing to be free
I'm not allowed in Britain
where they have their liberty.
So if you are an Irishman
and think you have the right
to walk the streets of your own town
at morning, noon and night.
You might yet have the pleasure
of meeting up with me,
then blind or maimed or even dead
you very soon will be.

Anon

DERRY FILM AND VIDEO COLLECTIVE

Derry Film and Video Collective is an independent video group based in Derry. It has been set up a group of people whose main aim is to redress the balance of media representation in Ireland. It was felt that the time had arrived to end the monopoly of outside representation on Irish matters, and to present a perspective of what it is like to live here by people from within the Community. Towards this end we have successfully negotiated initial Channel 4 funding and are working towards becoming financially self-supportive.

Address: 36 William Street
Derry
BT46 6EY
North or Ireland
Tel: (0504) 260128

Now available on VHS:
Strip Searching: Security or Subjugation

(Contact Margo Harkin at above address for further details)

=== POSTSCRIPT

===

One of my souvenirs (should I call it an artifact?) from the 'field' is a British half-penny which has IRA stamped on the Queen's head. I got it in some change in a shop in Derry. I have often wondered... I have often wondered about the person who made it.

EXERGUE:
Outside the work, the coin, the inscription, the space, the epigraph, the outside. Vulgar circulation. All one can do. An inscription where the resistance always escapes the place of inscription.
The simple-minded treat words like coins.[1]
'I'd like my money's worth'—to coin a phrase!

WRITING BEHIND THE LINES

'Mr Palomar has decided ... from now on ... to attribute to the observer's operation the importance it deserves ... from now on Mr Palomar will look at things from the outside and not the inside ... To do this, he has to face each time problems of selection, exclusion, hierarchies of preference; he soon realises he is spoiling everything, as always when he involves his own ego'
(Calvino, 1986: 102) [2]

An injunction: 'Just reflect a little (for us) on what you have done'
(Borland, J. A. Jan 1988—Lancaster)
An observation: Never trust the word JUST.
A keenly felt fact: 'Once ethnographic texts begin to be looked AT as well as through, once they are seen to be made, and made to persuade, those who make them have rather more to answer for'
(Geertz, 1989: 138) [3]
My task: 'Not showing the invisible, but (trying to show) the extent to which the invisibility of the visible is invisible.'
The problem: "HOW TO SOUND LIKE A PILGRIM AND A CARTOGRAPHER AT THE SAME TIME"
(Geertz, IBID: 10)

A discarded opening: Thesis-writing might well fit Charles Bukowski's definition of writing poetry—it's like a hot beer shit—after a lot of compulsive, straining effort you look behind (your lines) at this steaming object, this steamy abject, in wonder and amazement—Did I do THAT?

WRITING-BEHIND-THE LINES

This essay is written after my doctoral thesis. It is then a writing-after-the-fact, a writing some while infact behind my lines. The title 'Writing Behind The Lines' is what a more practised lexicontortionist Ulmer (1989) 5 might call a 'puncept', a conceptual neologism fashioned to produce 'unnatural' couplings, artifice to engender monsters. I want to cheat language, to get more out of my words than they are worth. I mean to signal a number of overlapping desires, to set in motion, a number of different and related lines of flight all attempting to trace some of the thinking behind, but also between and beyond, my thesis lines. I wish in the first place to stand behind my lines, to lend them my support. This is not, however, the only place I wish to occupy. I do not simply wish to form a buttress for my lines, stoutly defending a place I once stood. Nor do I wish to put my lines (and their uncomfortable taint of apprenticeship) behind me. I should like also to justify my lines by resetting their margins to, in some way, investigate the mise-en-scene of these lines, to get behind the scene of my previous writing, to come at my lines from behind and take them by surprize. 6
A surprize attack on myself? The military connotations of 'behind the lines' are becoming more obvious (the specific relation of these to Northern Ireland is discussed below). The difficulty of such an enterprize is lessened somewhat by the thought that the lines in question are now no longer 'simply' my own. You, too, will have fought many battles to be here with me. I remain, however, somewhat nervous of what this attempt to recapture old territority, to reterritorialize, a writing-over the lines, will reveal. To sound at one and the same moment like a pilgrim AND a cartographer is not going to be easy.

The question of cartography itself, an image at once underdeveloped and central to the organization of the thesis, needs further elaboration, in order to draw from this some inferences for future tasks. I wish to discuss some particular features of texts that I have written about and something of the methodology of their selection. This latter task is in no small way related to my understanding of cartography and the work of Foucault. It is very much the case that my discussion of why I chose the texts I did for analysis is as much a discussion of texts I have not chosen or written about.
In order to comment, to reflect, on my own lines, you will understand something of a schizophrenia is involved. I must produce myself, in some sense, as a visibility, as other. But the matter is more complex than this. My attempt in this essay is to map a series of 'intensities' 7 in my thesis, which is itself an attempt to map a further series of intensities in relation to Northern Ireland. Put in another fashion, this essay is an attempt at de-territorializing and re-territorializing an earlier de-/ re- territorializing. My title 'Writing Behind the Lines' attempts to conjure forth the traces of a series of tensions in this operation—My thesis is a commentary on commentaries on Northern Ireland and the 'Northern Ireland Problem', my relationship to this needs to be discussed. My postscript is a commentary on all of this. Further, my relationship to this later commentary also needs to be considered—how to 'be there' palpably on the page? 8 Already there are, then, a plethora of lines of flight, a large and shifting assemblage under discussion.
The implications of the questions of what Geertz (1989) discusses as problems of 'discourse' and 'signature' (see below) receive much discussion in the body of my thesis, for the purposes of this essay, at least, a body-without-organs (Deleuze, IBID: 30 and 149FF). Such matters have been earlier cast in various guises. In the preface to the thesis, for example, as a concern with the limits of language, with the line (not always a straight line, or even always a single line) between poetic, complex, multilevelled explanation and anarchic confusion. In the first chapter of the thesis the question of self-reflexivity and 'navel-gazing' was discussed. Here it was argued that some aspects of the traditional functioning of disciplinary knowledges will penalize those who try to investigate that which should be taken for granted or left unspoken. The question of self-reflexivity can only be done then 'to a point'. Some things remain, as Lyotard reminds us 'unrepresentable' given the current rules of knowledge. 9

My thesis argues that all analyses of the social world are analyses of conflict situations. Clearly there is something special, 'raw', about the conflict in Northern ireland, but there is a crucial sense in which all social situations are conflictual. Furthermore, the everyday, the mundane, the very site of operation for ethnographers, is the most crucial site of this warfare of the social.

'The political, like the purloined letter, is hidden in the everyday, exactly where it is most obvious; in the contradictions of lived experience, in the most banal and repetative gestures of everyday life... it is in the midst of the utterly ordinary, in the space where the dominant relations of production are tirelessly and relentlessly reproduced that we must look' (Kaplan, 1987: 3) 10

One very powerful and striking impression that haunts both the thesis and even more so my reflection on it in this essay is the continuity and ongoing grief that the 'Northern Ireland Problem' still exerts. The 14th August 1989 was the 20th anniversary of British troops on the streets of Northern Ireland, and Derry in particular. The newspaper headlines summing up 20 years of the situation were to me both unsurprizing and profoundly depressing. 11 The ongoing nature of this situation presented a specific difficulty in writing this essay. Like my word-processor, justifying my text by resetting its margins, there was a great tendency for me to repeat the same words, to reproduce rather than re-examine. There are always new texts on Northern Ireland to be examined. 12 My first response was to collect a few recent examples and repeat the analyses of my thesis. But although discursive formations do not have fixed boundaries, any piece of writing must. I make below specific comments on certain 'closures' and 'preferences' opted for in the thesis, but the fact is painfully obvious that 'the field' does not trouble itself over my boundaries. The exercise of commenting on my earlier comments then, is harried by the same fate. Self-reflexivity, putting a 'face' to the body of my text, as Deleuze would have it, is not a straightforward task (Deleuze, IBID: 167FF). 'Life', to correct Clifford Geertz, is not 'just a bowl of strategies' (Geertz, 1983: 25). I have tried in my thesis to address many of the questions raised by Geertz (1983, 1989) and others in the critical ethnography field. My attempt at producing a critical genealogy of the 'Northern Ireland Problem' is motivated by the knowledge that "something has indeed happened to the way we think about the way we think" (Geertz, 1983: 20) Geertz argues that the text analogy is one of the boldest, most interesting and perhaps least well-developed recent refigurations of social theory. 13 Geertz poses the question, or perhaps questions, how does/should an author appear in the text and just what is it that ethnographers author? These are questions, he says, of signature and discourse. The question of signature, argues Geertz, has haunted social theory for a long time, but in a rather disguised form as it has been seen largely as an epistemological rather than narratological issue. It has been seen as a question not of 'how to tell a story' but of how to stop subjective bias creeping in to an objective account. Such miscalculations have had quite deleterious effects particularly for ethnography. The first serious consequence is an "empiricism extreme even for the social sciences" (Geertz, 1989: 9). More importantly,

'Anthropologists (ethnographers) are possessed of the idea that the central methodological issues involved in ethnographic description have to do with the mechanics of knowledge—the legitimacy of 'empathy', 'insight', and the like as forms of cognition; the verifiability of internalist accounts of other peoples' thoughts and feelings; the ontological status of culture. Accordingly, they have traced their difficulties in constructing such descriptions to the problematics of fieldwork rather than to those of discourse. If the relation between observer and observed (rapport) can be managed, the relation between author and text (signature) will follow—it is thought—of itself.'

(Geertz, 1989:10—my emphasis)

Geertz continues to suggest that not only is facing a page, and facing informants a rather different experience, but that pretending that they are the same experience does serious harm to the ethnographic enterprize. He concludes that,

'The signature issue as the ethnographer confronts it, or as it confronts the ethnographer, demands both the Olympianism of the unauthorial physicist and the sovereign consciousness of the hyperauthorial novelist, while not in fact permitting either'

(Geertz, IBID 10)

Hence, the problem, how to sound like a pilgrim AND a cartographer? My choice of the term cartography in the title of my thesis is meant to signal that the process of mapping, so clearly steeped in colonial and imperial enterprises, highlights 'description' as a struggle for control. Paul Foss, following Deleuze from whom the term cartography arises, points out that there is no ideal co-extensivity between a map and a territory.

'The geography of maps is first and foremost that of strategy, not of earth. And what they refer to or give bearing to is not territory as a fixed substance, but territory as a fluid field ... Map-making is image-making. It is pure performance, and in this sense is always creative of itself. Maps are stratagems for the abolition of distance ... They constitute vanishing lines, escape machines, a beacon of fascination ... Naming and mapping a place is a way to mobilise the pull between 'here' and 'there'. It can set flows going, or freeze them when necessary. But the right image can reduce the effect of distance to locate a place as possible, as within reach, as proximate, by a play of immediacy which changes outland into environment, the hostile into home.'

(Foss, 1984: 63) 14

I argue below that my thesis, chapter five in particular, makes a number of comments on the need to re-theorize the concept of 'place' in ethnographic writing. I make comments about the 'place' (of) Northern Ireland and of Derry in particular as a kind of 'hyper-real' in relation to the 'Northern Ireland Problem'. What the notion of cartography suggests, highlighted particularly by Foss' comments above, is the way in which my task as ethnographer is not simply one of considering 'the field' (the place—Northern Ireland) and my relation to it (my place—as ethnographer). Cartography presents a rather different goal. Putting the matter somewhat bluntly, I might argue that my task in the thesis, and even more so in this essay, becomes almost the reverse of a traditional ethnographic exercise. In the usual case ethnographic progress is judged by the extent to which the field appears and the ethnographer disappears (Clifford, 1983). In this cartographic exercise what is aimed for is, as much, a production of myself (the ethnographer—and the technologies of ethnographers) as a visibility. My aim, then, is to come out from behind my own lines. Also, associated with this is the 'disappearance' of the field, Northern Ireland. It is significant here that as a sociologist, rather than an anthropologist, I am writing about if not my 'own' community then one of my 'neighbours' rather than something totally 'exotic'. Northern Ireland is already 'well-known' to my audience—too well-known one could say. My aim, then, is significantly the disappearance of Northern Ireland as a singular, originary certitude. My aim here, then, being to challenge some of the 'writings' of Northern Ireland to step out from behind their lines. It is true to say that my thesis is more concerned with this latter task, and this 'review' essay with the former; however, both tasks are central to both pieces of writing and both need to be engaged behind both sets of lines.

The thesis attempts to produce the 'Northern Ireland Problem' as a rhizomatic structure. The idea of a collection of texts as a rhizomatic structure has a number of implications. My thesis deals with some of the implications in relation to the concept of representation. Here, however, I should like to point to an important implication for the notion of reading. Reading is no longer a secondary activity, but a primary one. It's an activity which establishes new connections, creating new lines along which further dimensions are added to the multiplicity, transforming it in the process, precisely a cartographic enterprise. Because relations on what Deleuze, following Spinoza, describes as the "plane of consistence", are always changing, this plane never exists prior to its being constructed or reconstructed. That is, it is not simply an immanent dimension awaiting discovery by a transcendental one. Cartography, then, is not merely the description of a plane of consistence but its creation, the tracing of lines of force (lines of flight) in an active sense. In Deleuze and Parnet, Dialogues, 15 cartography is described as "une pensee sans images", a thought without images, a form of connections. It is not then a question of metaphor, or application, but of map-making, of finding out how things work. For Deleuze a notion of cartography is tied centrally to his idea of rhizomatic structure. The notion of the rhizome, the crab-grass-like formation, is counterposed to that of the tree (the tree of knowledge). He argues that the dominant tradition in Western philosophy functions to block the process of multiplication, to constrain difference by subsuming singularities under higher laws. The tree of knowledge is an accurate image of this, with its monolithic trunk from which all branches ultimately depend. Deleuze opposes this particular image of thought to that of the rhizome, a structure which has no centre and which cannot be said to begin or end anywhere. The parallel between this line of thinking and that of Foucault and others is clear but largely remains to be developed. In this context it is significant that a "para-ethnographic" account discussed in my thesis, the film Writing on the wall by Armand Gatti has as its French title "Nous étions des noms des arbres" (Our names were the names of trees) 16

Central to the "procedure" of the film is the notion of conflict and multiplicity. This concern parallels that of my thesis and what I have tried to characterise as the task of ethnography, to trace through my writing an endless multiplicity with no beginning and no end and no centre. The task of ethnography, my specific ethnographic task in Derry, and indeed Gatti's film, are working in a context which consistently attempts to produce totality and singularity. As I have argued in the thesis, these processes acquire a specific vitriol and persistence (a rabid nostalia) in the context of "violent" social conflict situations.

'Deleuze and Guattari's conception of desire as a series of molecular flows and breaks rather than a theatre centred around molar identities leads directly to the distinction between what they call rhizomatic structures and tree structures.

For Deleuze and Guattari, rhizomatic structures are hardly structures at all: they resist totalisations. Instead they are essentially conglomerates and aggregates of molecular, heterogeneous multiplicities whose relationships with each other are poly- and multi-valent, arbitrary and volatile, provisional and unstable. What the rhizome dispenses with and outflanks are molar, that is totalised, identities and unities.'
(Musselwhite, D. 1988: 236) 17

What I have attempted to do is not describe a geographical place with a history, a physical territory, but to map a discursive formation, a number of intersecting ways of understanding the Northern Ireland Problem, which for a number of reasons concentrates on Irish Republicanism and the British state. It is in this sense that I could argue that the Northern Ireland Problem is a discursive construct which makes Irish people disappear. I argue in the thesis and here, following Barthes, that Northern Ireland as a formal system provides a possibility of writing. I should want, however, to add Said's commentary on theatrical space to Barthes' comment. Northern Ireland provides not simply a possibility of writing but a specific place in a performance of other. This is one of the strongest senses in which the thesis purports to be critical social inquiry. There is, then, an explicit politic to my deconstructive enterprise.
To re-introduce this theme it is necessary to note a dramatic epistemological shift in the nature of the ethnographic enterprise. Despite the ideology of description embedded in ethnography, ethnography is what Tyler describes as an "intertextual practice". It is most emphatically NOT a piece of writing about something which is fully external to it.

'Though the rhetoric of description and referential discourse make it seem that the ethnographer's words refer to a world beyond his (sic) text, the world is actually built up by the textual conventions that govern the writing of an ethnography and with the connivance of the reader, for in the end, readers must take the ethnographer's word for that external reality or judge it by comparison with other texts, of other realities whose externality is determined by yet other texts in an infinite or cyclical profusion of texts.'

(Tyler, 1989: 91)

When speaking of Japan, Barthes says "I am not lovingly gazing towards an oriental essence", (Barthes, 1982: 3) 18 Neither am I, then, engaged in lovingly gazing at an Irish essence. This radical displacement of the ethnographer's mimetic gaze highlights the necessity to discuss my manipulation of the field, my 'invented' interplay. This discussion is made all the more necessary as I have stated in the thesis by the strength of ethnographic ideologies which purport to place description outside and above theory, and by the strength of what McHale terms the "nostalgia for mimesis". In the light of contemporary retheorisations of language, meaning and representation, a field I isolate in the thesis as critical or discourse-ethnographic approaches, to say the rhizome of my own invention is not to undermine the work. Clearly I wish to argue that my account tells us something about Northern Ireland. Perhaps I should add to this, however, success for me is evaluated as much by how well I can un-tell things about Northern Ireland. That is to say, how well I can make people nervous about having grasped the 'Problem', given my theorisation of its inevitable complexity and multiplicity.

To conclude, however, there are some specific comments I should like to make about my particular selection of texts, the range of texts I have selected, and some of those I have not selected. The first point I should like to make is that paradoxically my text selection is guided by a notion of key texts, transformations which in their repetition, control, delimit and make possible other texts, and a notion that any text will do because its heteroglossic system will always inform us about the situation. Listening to what a text says to speeches before and after it will give us information on the dispersion and regularity of statements. The second point I should like to make is that both at the time, 'in the field' and on subsequent reflection a number of specific political agendas have guided the visibility of possible texts, previous research by other academics is, of course, very important in the construction of my own work. The thesis began as a social work evaluation of a youth workshop. The discursive construction of The Northern Ireland Problem, the eventual PhD, has very little discussion of Bogside youth. Nowhere in the thesis is there much discussion of the world Nik Cohn raises in his story "Delinquent in Derry":

'In their daytime incarnations, I understood, the Teds were only Papist scum, the delinquent flotsam and jetsam of the Bogside. As such, their life prospects were nil. Foredoomed, dispossessed, they had traded away the Free for the Welfare State, and now they had no work, no home, no hope whatever, unless the fleeting glory of an I.R.A. martyrdom. They were, in every sense, non-persons. And yet, here on The Strand, in the neon night by Rock'n'Roll, they were made heroic. In every flash of fluorescent sock or velvet cuff, every jive-step swagger for Chuck Berry, every leer and flaunt of their greased pompadoured duck-tails, they beggared the fates, made reality irrelevant. (Cohn, 1987: 176)' 19

Cohn's piece not only raises the spectre of youth, the possibility of sectarian sub-cultural relations, but also some level of the mundane or the ordinary which for quite specific reasons I feel my thesis does not often reach. As a community study my thesis most definitely privileges political military discourses. This is clearest in Chapter 3 which deals with the British state. Although there is some discussion of the use of rubbish bin lids, flyovers and urban architecture the vast bulk of my discussion of the state revolves around the police and the army, Althusser's repressive state apparatuses, and not significantly about social and welfare policies. This might seem somewhat strange in a Foucauldean account, given Foucault's discussion of the prominence of social welfare in contemporary state repression. It is undoubtedly the case as my thesis briefly suggests that the machinery of welfare is part of the war effort in quite a direct sense. The Payment for Debt Act, for instance, was deliberately used to penalise civil rights protesters. Welfare authorities are very much implicated in the surveillance mechanisms of the state's counter insurgency effort. In the thesis my basic privileging of the police and the military, in relation to the state, and to the political, military in relation to the community, is justified on the grounds of precisely the rawness of conflict in the Bogside and Northern Ireland more generally, but it does, however, add to the problems of the exoticisation of the Northern Ireland Problem. Further work is necessary to underline the general aspects of what is going on in Northern Ireland and their relevance to the rest of mainland UK, to the dynamics in operation between the state and any working class community.

McCafferty (1989) 20 in a biographical study of Peggy Deery notes something of the interrelation between the welfare function of the state and the war in Bogside/Creggan. 'Derry has become known as pothole city' (McCafferty, 1989:35) In her account of the Deery family, McCafferty produces another aspect of Derry's hyper-reality in relation to the Northern Ireland Problem. The experience of the Deery's becomes a synecdoche for community/state relations in Northern Ireland. McCafferty continues,

'It is widely accepted that not all who claim damages have sustained injury from falling into potholes. It is difficult for the British Government to refute the claims, since police do not patrol the streets, the army is in too much of a hurry to notice, property is regularly damaged by the security forces in smash and grab raids for weapons, and barricades spring up regularly.

... Also, the people of Derry have learnt to show as much disregard for the awesome obligations of truth under British oath as have the guardians of law and order. The testimony of the Bloody Sunday regiment, which was not rejected by the Court of Inquiry, set the standard. Commenting on the outcome of the inquiry, the leader of the Nationalist Party, Eddie McAteer, said, at least the judge didn't find the dead guilty of committing suicide'
(McCafferty, 1989: 35)

The politics of truth AND feeding ones family are overdetermined so clearly, then, by the militarisation of culture.

'There was no government challenge to Peggy's claim of falling. The injuries sustained on Bloody Sunday had left her with a shortened leg and foot without feeling ... She fell constantly. The British army called her 'Chicken Leg'.

Soldiers cheerfully signed chits for damages to her home after each ransack. The Emergency Provisions Act, ... allows them to wreck doors, windows floorboards and furniture at will ..."
"... The British army was the direct cause of Peggy Deery's acquisition of what was in welfare terms, a fortune. The government paid her 14,000 compensation for her Bloody Sunday injuries. She lavished a great portion of that on her son Paddy. Money was also spent on family travel to the various prisons where some of her children were lodged as they reaped the bitter harvest of involvement after Bloody Sunday; each prison visit also meant the expense of a food parcel, and money lodged for cigarettes for the prisoner. Peggy supported also out of her fortune those of her children who fled across the border seeking refuge or escape'
(McCafferty, 1989: 35-6)

Significantly the comments above come in a chapter entitled the 'Welfare War'. What emerges in McCafferty's biography of Peggy Deery, a Cregan resident, is a picture of a Catholic working class family caught up in an extraordinary situation. Her book demonstrates well, the way in which the war in the Bogside/Creggan affects life at every level, including the family finances. Peggy's son Paddy got a loan to finance his wedding from a local bank "in the expectation of government compensation for his eye" (McCafferty, IBID.: 104) Paddy's eye was damaged by a plastic-bullet. Pio, another of the Deery clan also received a compensation pay-out, even though she was 'on the run' and on the wanted list at the time of the hearing.

'Small financial claims are rushed through northern courts as the authorities try to keep the judicial conveyer belt free for political trials'

(McCafferty, IBID: 76)

The conflict between the community and the state,then, is neither limited to a struggle between the security forces and the community, nor is it a simple domination of one party by another. There are connections and contradictions in the operating of the state in Northern Ireland. By concentrating on the military aspects of the struggle my thesis tends to underemphasize this fact. I believe, however, that such an emphasis is justified because, as the example of Peggy Deery shows, the 'everyday' in Derry is framed by what one might call the 'militarisation of culture' and the wider parameters of the Northern Ireland Problem. There could, for instance, be nothing more 'normal' than a feeling of horror and revulsion at the killing of a loving grandfather on holiday with his grand children. This much can be shared by both British politicians, soldiers and so forth AND the Catholic community of Derry. My analysis of the death of Lord Mountbatten, however, shows how the discursive production of such an event denies, or attempts to deny the very possibility of any common feeling.

Undoubtedly my thesis could be a deal more subtle than it is. There is also much more work to be done both with the kinds of texts that I have examined—significantly in exploring their heteroglossic systems, their intrication with other texts—and with the sorts of texts that I have not looked at. Some of this work is beginning to appear now 21. My thesis, however, makes it clear that the general direction of such work would most usefully be ethnographic. Further, that such ethnographic inquiries need to make use of current developments in theories of discourse. There is a great deal more work to be done on discourse—ethnographic approaches. Social theory has much to learn from the 'textual turn'—as much, perhaps, as the textualists themselves have from ethnographers. The work done in the second section of my thesis is necessary to provide the context of operation of the specific community described in section three. To date, semioticians, discourse analysts and the like have ignored or under-emphasized ethnographic methods and the need for the kind of work done in chapter five of this thesis. Ethnographers have, on the other hand, largely ignored the necessity to describe the discursive context of their accounts. What I have argued in this thesis is that social theorists need both aspects of such inquiry. Further, that such a model of inquiry has significant consequences for our understandings of the role of the ethnographer/social theorist and her/his relation to the analysis and the analysed.
My thesis remains still one of the few ethnographic studies of Northern Ireland, and certainly one of the very few that attempts to grapple with the challenges presented by contemporary social and cultural theorizing. I hope to have provided a base from which others can work from in this regard. I hope I have made it possible for others to now write behind my lines.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1 CF. Derrida, J (1982) trans. Alan Bass 'White Mythology' The Margins of Philosophy (Chicago: University of Chicago) (P.209FF). Allen Hoey explores questions of metaphor and metonymy in an article called 'The Name of the Coin: Metaphor, Metonymy, and Money' Diacritics Summer 1988, (pp.26-37). In discussing the relationship between language, commerce and social intercourse he argues, following Derrida, that "'the scene of exchange between the linguistic and the economic' is most frequently inscription on coins. Inscription gives a coin its valve as money" (Hoey, 1988: 26) Hoey argues that no metaphor is innocent in his positing of commodity exchange as a model for linguistic exchange. Using marxism, Saussure and eventually Nietzsche, Hoey notes the violent catachretic nature of both money and language. Metaphor and naming are always working on the 'frontier of the proper and the improper (IBID: 35). Hoey concludes on the violence of inscription.

'Names strip individual value ... by subsuming each item under a categorial designation, a name assumes sameness, a bond possible only by forgetting difference, by selecting arbitrary resemblances as a basis for classification. yet that abuse performed, its repetition sanctions it, effaces in turn its originary violence; and, after the first abuse, each further act of naming becomes increasingly motivated. Thus language is ... a social product; the accretion of individual abuses gathered into a socially sanctioned whole, socially constituative in operation, each exchange binding us in social circulation, each trope engaging us with text, as each coin we handle involves us with the whole circulation of goods' (IBID: 36)

I am grateful here to Rudi Kraussman's radio play The Word: A Comedy of Words (Australian Broadcasting Corporation May, 1987) for some words and some playful edification.
2 Calvino, I (1986) Mr Palomar (London: Picador)
3 Geertz, C (1989) Works and Lives: The Anthropologist as Author (Cambridge: Polity Press)
4 Foucault, M (1987) Maurice Blanchot: The Thought From The Outside (trans) Brian Massumi. (New York: Zone Books)
5 Ulmer, G (1989) Teletheory: Grammatology in the Age of Video New York, London: Routledge)
6 Deleuze's conception of philosophy seems striking at this point. He talks of sneaking up behind an author in order to give him a monstrous child. Equally suggestive are the arses and behinds of Bakhtin's Rabelaisian carnival.
7 Deleuze, G and Guattari, F (1987) A Thousand Plateaus (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press) P.4, P.109-10FF.
8 Geertz, IBID: 23. Geertz remarks that this exercise is at least as 'difficult' as 'being there' in the field.
9 A recent publication by Stephen Tyler uses the term 'unspeakable' after a similar fashion. Tyler S. A. (1987) The Unspeakable: Discourse, Dialogue and Rhetoric in the Postmodern World. (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press)
10 Kaplan, A and Ross, K (1987) Yale French Studies: Special Issue on Everyday Life. No. 73 (Yale: Yale University Press) This issue contains a very interesting and relevant account of the work of the French Situationists such as Lefebvre and Blanchot. Both authors point to the importance and the difficulty of analysing the everyday. The everyday is defined, somewhat eliptically as 'that which always escapes', that which eludes analysis. A central problem for all ethnographers, then, is their attempt to grasp, to theorize, a certain travelling which always exceeds them. This, too, is made worse in a context such as Northern Ireland where the pressure to ignore (or possibly the greater invisibility of) the everyday in order to concentrate on the important (exotic) matters is very strong indeed. (See discussion of 'positioned accounting' in chapter one of the thesis).
11 A sample of such headlines would include:-
"Ulster's Terror: A war without end"
"Two lost decades"
"20 years of undeclared war"
"Lingering Agony of an unloved orphan state"
"20 years of the Troubles"
"Still crazy after all these years"
12 Having been 'sensitised' to such texts I more often than not see/notice such new texts, as if they have, for me, some almost magnetic attraction. This I take to be a part of what 'being a Northern Ireland specialist' means.
13 Geertz, C (1983) Local Knowledge: Further Essays in Interpretive Anthropology (New York: Basic Books) Several points of Geertz's discussion are worth noting. Significantly Geertz's analysis occurs through an analysis of the metaphors of social science.
'Social theory turns from propulsive metaphors (the language of pistons) toward ludic ones (the language of pastimes)' (IBID: 26)
'the instruments of reasoning are changing and society is less and less represented as an elaborate machine and a quasi—organism and more and more as a serious game, a sidewalk drama, or a behavioural text.' (IBID: 23)
Also, interestingly for my thesis, Geertz argues that the 'long-run fate' of the textualist turn in social theory must be judged not on its easy early successes (quasi-literary inquiries), but on harder, less predictable areas for example, "the text idea to clarify WAR." (IBID: 33)
14 Foss, P (1984) Semiotexte: Oasis vol 4, no 3, pp.63-4
15 Deleuze, G and Parnet, C (1987) Dialogues (New York: Columbia University Press)
16 This is an irony, a 'bliss-sense' connection that Greg Ulmer might appreciate. CF 'Derrida at the Little Bighorn'. (Ulmer, 1989)
17 Musselwhite, D (1988) Partings Welded Together (London: Routledge)
18 Barthes, R (1982) Empire of Signs (New York: Hill and Wang)
19 Cohn, N (1987) "Delinquent in Derry" Granta (London: Paladin)
20 McCafferty, N (1989) Peggy Deery: A Family At War (London: Virago)
21 A very good example is Inglis, T (1987) Mothers and Holy Fathers Moral Monopoly: The Catholic Church in Modern Irish Society. (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan). Disappointingly, however, there are still many 'counter insurgency' accounts of Ireland being published and still nothing particularly useful on the mass media in Ireland. It is still true also that some of the best accounts of Northern Ireland are works of fiction and para-ethnography, and although these are useful, it would be perhaps better to have them supplemented by academic works of similar stature.

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This page incorporates material from Garry Gillard's Freotopia website, that he started in 2014 and the contents of which he donated to Wikimedia Australia in 2024. The content was originally created on 31 July, 2014 and hosted at freotopia.org/people/alanmansfield/bib.html (it was last updated on 27 March, 2021). The donated data is also preserved in the Internet Archive's collection.